Topos https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos <p>The Journal for philosophy and cultural studies<em> Topos </em>is an academic peer-reviewed journal.&nbsp;<em>Topos</em><em>&nbsp;</em>emerged in 2000. The publisher of&nbsp;<em>Topos</em> is <a title="European Humanities University" href="https://en.ehu.lt/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">European Humanities University</a> (Vilnius, Lithuania).&nbsp;</p> <p><em>Topos </em>is included in&nbsp;the following datebases:</p> <p><em>- DOAJ&nbsp;(Directory of Open Access Journals)</em></p> <p><em>-&nbsp;EBSCO-CEEAS (Central &amp; Eastern European Academic Source)</em></p> <p><em>- Philosopher’s Index</em></p> <p><em>-&nbsp;Scopus</em></p> <p><em>Topos</em>&nbsp;is published 2 times a year in print and online versions. <em>Topos</em> is a non-commercial journal that provides open access to its contents,<em>&nbsp;</em>which means that all content is freely available without charge to the user or his/her institution. All papers submitted to the Editorial board are double-blind peer-reviewed.&nbsp;</p> <p>Users are allowed to read, download, copy, distribute, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles, or use them for any other lawful purpose, without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This is in accordance with the BOAI definition of open access.&nbsp;</p> <p><em>Topos </em>accepts materials in Russian, Belarusian and English (in particular cases publications in other languages of the region are admissible).&nbsp;<em>Topos&nbsp;</em>does not charge APCs or submission charges.</p> <p><em>Topos</em>&nbsp;uses CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license (license URL:&nbsp;<a href="%20http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0">http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0</a>).&nbsp;<em>Topos&nbsp;</em>allows the author(s) to hold the copyright without restrictions.&nbsp;<em>Topos&nbsp;</em>also permits that authors post items submitted to the journal on personal websites or institutional repositories after publication, while providing bibliographic details that credit its publication in&nbsp;<em>Topos</em>.</p> Еўрапейскі гуманітарны ўніверсітэт / European Humanities University en-US Topos 1815-0047 <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This journal allows the author(s) to hold the copyright without restrictions. </span><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">Topos</span></em><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Journal uses CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license (license URL: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0).</span></p> Contents https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos/article/view/1521 Topos Journal ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2025-12-28 2025-12-28 55 2 1 6 THE ORIGINS OF VATSLAW LASTOWSKI’S VIEWS ON PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos/article/view/1522 <p>The article presents the most recent results in the study of Vatslaw&nbsp;Lastowski’s views on philosophy of history. Despite not being a systematic&nbsp;thinker but rather a publicist, he developed an outline of a methodology&nbsp;of national historiography which was based on the concept of&nbsp;national style and a classification of national values. His method combines&nbsp;certain aspects of primordialism, historicism, and even modernist&nbsp;constructivism in order to overcome the insufficiencies and theoretical&nbsp;difficulties of individual respective approaches. According to Lastowski,&nbsp;history is not only a science of the past but also a way of national self-understanding,&nbsp;since nation is seen as a community of shared historical experience.&nbsp;Therefore, the task of historian is to provide a ‘mirror image’ in which a nation can truly recognize its individuality and political agency.&nbsp;It is shown that being fundamentally cultural, Lastowski’s nationalism&nbsp;develops a specific understanding of politics as a sphere among others&nbsp;within&nbsp;the whole of national culture. The article abides by general principles<br>of scientific historicism as historical contextualism and therefore&nbsp;considers Lastowski’s works within the intellectual context of his epoch.&nbsp;Specifically, his theoretical dependence on positivism, social-democratic&nbsp;literature and German neo-Kantian philosophy is demonstrated. The&nbsp;origin of Lastowski’s concept of national style is traced to the article of&nbsp;Ukrainian social-democratic author Vadym Shcherbakivskyi. Finally, the&nbsp;connection between Lastowski’s classification of national values and the&nbsp;work of Werner Sombart, explicitly mentioned by Lastowski as a point of&nbsp;reference,&nbsp;is analyzed. Overall Lastowski’s oeuvre appears to be a fruitful&nbsp;source of inspiration for the contemporary debates on methodology of&nbsp;history of oppressed, stateless, and/or previously colonized nations, while&nbsp;its study reveals some important and often neglected conceptual difficulties&nbsp;of Belarusian and Eastern European intellectual history.&nbsp;</p> Anton Prakapchuk ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2025-12-28 2025-12-28 55 2 7 35 10.61095/815-0047-2025-2-7-35 BELARUS AS A “CULTURAL PARALLEL TO COLONIAL AFRICA” OR ANTI-COLONIAL UPRISING OF THE COMMUNIST ALIAKSEI KAŬKA https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos/article/view/1523 <p>In the focus of this article is the uncensored text “Letter to&nbsp;a Russian Friend” by the Belarusian philologist, literary critic, and historian<br>Aliaksei Kaŭka (1937–2024). Written in Moscow between 1976 and 1977,&nbsp;the text was first published in 1979 in London in Russian (in the original)&nbsp;and in the English translation. The study explores the content of the work&nbsp;and its publication history and reception. The “Letter to a Russian Friend”&nbsp;represents the first Belarusian tamizdat publication, in the classical sense&nbsp;of a text produced under the constraints of censorship within the Soviet&nbsp;bloc and disseminated abroad. Despite this, its author is seldom, if ever,&nbsp;categorized as a dissident.<br>By focusing on Kaŭka’s biography and his “Letter,” this article seeks to address&nbsp;broader questions of how, in the post-Stalinist Soviet Union, local&nbsp;(national) intellectuals — who were often integrated into Soviet power&nbsp;structures and implicated in their cultural, political, and economic operations&nbsp;— began to challenge these very structures. The article asks about&nbsp;the circumstances under which these practices of intellectual resistance&nbsp;emerged. As this study further argues, the issue of decolonization and critique&nbsp;of imperial legacies, both historical and contemporary, found specific&nbsp;resonance in the Belarusian context during the late socialist period. In&nbsp;doing so, this essay contributes to the reexamination of the idea of Soviet&nbsp;dissidence, proposing an alternative framework that moves beyond the<br>conventional heroic narrative. Instead, it emphasizes a nuanced analysis&nbsp;of the interplay between conformity and resistance, as embedded in the&nbsp;distinct historical context of cultural emancipation endeavours in Soviet&nbsp;Belarus.</p> Tatsiana Astrouskaya ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2025-12-28 2025-12-28 55 2 36 68 10.61095/815-0047-2025-2-36-68 VIRTUALS SPACES OF FREEDOM: THE TELEGRAM-ENABLED PROTEST IN BELARUS, 2020 https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos/article/view/1524 <p>In August 2020, Belarus experienced its most intense protests.&nbsp;Daily protest activities lasted almost a year, driven by frustrations with the&nbsp;COVID-19 pandemic response, rigged elections, and brutal repressions.&nbsp;Citizens demanded President Lukashenka’s resignation. These protests&nbsp;were notable for their scope and the use of Telegram channels and digital&nbsp;platforms. Drawing on Hannah Arendt’s theoretical insights, this article&nbsp;highlights that such collective movements create new informal but impactful&nbsp;political institutions and principles, breaking from the past. Event&nbsp;and network analysis revealed that prior to the August 9, 2020, elections,&nbsp;civic initiatives were mainly led by social entrepreneurs and were less interconnected.&nbsp;After August 9, a more diffused and interconnected network<br>of civic initiatives emerged, marked by high social relevance and&nbsp;innovation despite the repressive context. This increased interaction signifies&nbsp;a transformation in collective consciousness, potentially laying the&nbsp;groundwork for future democratic development.</p> Vasil Navumau Olga Matveieva Ilya Sulzhytski Dmytro Khutkyy Michael Cole ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2025-12-28 2025-12-28 55 2 69 96 10.61095/815-0047-202-2-69-96 ‘TRADITIONAL VALUES’ — A NEGLECTED TOOL OF RUSSIA’S SOFT POWER IN THE EU’S EASTERN NEIGHBOURHOOD https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos/article/view/1525 <p>The dispute between ‘traditional’ and ‘progressive’ values, long&nbsp;a feature of internal debate in the West, has recently evolved into a broader&nbsp;civilizational conflict — with the West uncompromisingly advocating&nbsp;progressive values and Russia positioning itself as the champion of traditional&nbsp;ones. This article explores the potential of the Kremlin’s traditional&nbsp;values discourse in the context of the European Union’s Eastern Neighbourhood.&nbsp;It argues that this region is potentially highly susceptible to&nbsp;the Kremlin’s soft power in this respect. While the psychological effect of&nbsp;Russia’s full-scale aggression against Ukraine may temporarily reduce its&nbsp;ability to “attract and co-opt” societies in most Eastern Partnership (EaP)&nbsp;countries, the use of values discourse as a channel of soft power is oriented&nbsp;toward the long-term perspective and may produce delayed effects.</p> Piotr Rudkouski ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2025-12-28 2025-12-28 55 2 97 113 10.61095/815-0047-2025-2-97-113 INTERVIEW BY TATIANA SHCHYTTSOVA WITH VLADIMIR MATSKEVICH https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos/article/view/1526 <p>Interview by Tatiana Shchyttsova, Editor-in-Chief of the journal&nbsp;Topos, with Belarusian philosopher, active public and political figure&nbsp;Vladimir Matskevich. Matskevich was recognized as a political prisoner&nbsp;and spent more than four years behind the bars. He was among 52 political&nbsp;prisoners who were released on September 11, 2025, as a result of negotiations&nbsp;between a representative of the US president and the Belarusian&nbsp;authorities. In the interview, Matskevich talks about his experience&nbsp;of opposing&nbsp;the Lukashenko’s regime and shares his views on the role and&nbsp;place of philosophy in society and the specifics of prison as a totalitarian&nbsp;institution.</p> Tatiana Shchyttsova Vladimir Matskevich ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2025-12-28 2025-12-28 55 2 114 125 10.61095/815-0047-2025-2-114-125 PHILOSOPHY IN THE PRISON https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos/article/view/1527 <p>The article posits that contemporary industrial penitentiaries in&nbsp;Russia have evolved into sites of military mobilization, labour exploitation,&nbsp;psychic traumatization, and desocialization. Consequently, Belarusian&nbsp;correctional facilities have devolved into institutions of labour exploitation,&nbsp;political and cultural humiliation, and the dissemination of repressive&nbsp;political discourse. These penitentiaries deviate significantly from the&nbsp;Enlightenment-era ideals of penal reform, as articulated by M. Foucault,&nbsp;and from the notion of prisons as instruments of repression, as expounded&nbsp;by A. Davis. Consequently, the role of the imprisoned philosopher within&nbsp;the penal system evolves, shifting from individual spiritual resistance&nbsp;to the broader struggle against systemic coercive transformation. In the<br>Western democracies of the 20th century, there was an increasing association&nbsp;of the prison with the school system, re-socialisation, re-inculturation&nbsp;and re-qualification programmes. In contrast, in Russia and Belarus,&nbsp;there has been a shift in focus towards the military-industrial complex,&nbsp;modern PR and the new system of exchange — political human trafficking.&nbsp;Consequently, the role of philosophy in prison and of the imprisoned philosopher&nbsp;is undergoing a fundamental change. The central question guiding&nbsp;this study is the conceptualisation of the philosopher within the context&nbsp;of the prison system. The present article undertakes a comprehensive<br>analysis of the prison as a hegemonic system of political thought and related&nbsp;practices, examining.&nbsp;</p> Gintautas Mažeikis ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2025-12-28 2025-12-28 55 2 126 144 10.61095/10.61095/815-0047-2025-2-126-144 WRITING PHILOSOPHY WITH ONE’S HANDS TIED: LETTERS FROM CZECHOSLOVAK COMMUNIST PRISONS https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos/article/view/1528 <p>This paper addresses the question of how Czechoslovak intellectuals&nbsp;and philosophers from the dissident movement coped with the difficult&nbsp;situation of normalization and their own imprisonment. The failure&nbsp;to invoke justice led many to identify with characters from Franz Kafka’s&nbsp;novels concerning the dead-end situations. Writing philosophical texts in&nbsp;official publishing houses and journals was impossible and unimaginable&nbsp;even for those who were at liberty. The dissemination of ideas was even&nbsp;more difficult for those who were in prisons. One way was to write letters&nbsp;from prison, which became a peculiar tool of communication and a specific&nbsp;genre of writing. Letter-writing was subject to the rules of prison life,&nbsp;which forbade writing about politics and the regime. It was up to the creativity<br>of the political prisoners how they managed to sneak civic themes&nbsp;into their letters. They did this either like Václav Havel, who used long<br>philosophically sounding reflections and carefully chosen code-words, or&nbsp;like Milan Šimečka, who chose to philosophize about ordinary, intimate&nbsp;life, real or oneiric memories of his family, and supposed conversations&nbsp;with his loved ones as a way of thinking freely. Although in retrospect one&nbsp;can accuse both of various shortcomings (and this has happened, even&nbsp;from the milieu of the dissidents themselves), it is important to remember&nbsp;that these texts were not produced in quiet study rooms and with access&nbsp;to the necessary literature in libraries. Even if they were philosophically&nbsp;“leaky”, fragmentary or interpretively weak, it is in this “writing-at-thismoment”<br>that their historical and philosophical value lies.</p> Anton Vydra ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2025-12-28 2025-12-28 55 2 145 160 10.61095/815-0047-2025-2-145-160 TWO MODELS FOR THE EDUCATIONAL FOUNDATIONS OF SOCIAL SECURITY: SWEDEN’S TRYGGHET AND JAPAN’S AMAE https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos/article/view/1529 <p>Pedagogical terminology is often instinctively associated with&nbsp;encyclopedic precision or philosophical depth. However, this tradition<br>does not universally shape all languages — Swedish and Japanese, for&nbsp;example,&nbsp;present compelling alternatives. In Sweden, comprehensive educational&nbsp;encyclopedias are relatively uncommon. Many terms central to&nbsp;pedagogical discourse emerge not from philosophical inquiry, but from&nbsp;domains such as social engineering, legal structures, and everyday vernacular.&nbsp;Similarly, the Japanese language encompasses numerous expressions&nbsp;that potentially convey fundamentally philosophical or socio-psychological&nbsp;ideas, although these are seldom reflected upon as such. This&nbsp;encyclopedic inquiry seeks to foreground the Swedish concept of trygghet<br>and the Japanese notion of amae as vital components in a framework for&nbsp;conceptual analysis and comparative encyclopedic studies in education.&nbsp;By offering a conceptual grounding, we aim to support more nuanced and&nbsp;context-sensitive empirical research. Both trygghet and amae function as&nbsp;foundational pillars in pedagogical theory and practice: they are, on one&nbsp;hand, deeply embedded in cultural norms of relational interdependence,&nbsp;and on the other, possess a latent capacity to shape collective identity</p> Anja Kraus Tomoki Sakata ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2025-12-28 2025-12-28 55 2 161 187 10.61095/815-0047-2025-2-161-187 EXPRESSION OF THE „CHILD’S VOICE“ IN THE LITHUANIAN KINDERGARTEN IN THE LATE SOVIET ERA https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos/article/view/1530 <p>The article analyses aspects of the expression of the concept&nbsp;of the child in the late Soviet era (1964–1988) Lithuanian kindergarten.<br>The research is conducted by use of a narrative qualitative methodology.&nbsp;Thematic analysis of the data revealed the pedagogical attitudes prevalent&nbsp;among kindergarten practitioners during this period and, by comparing&nbsp;these with contemporary quality criteria in early childhood education,&nbsp;identified distinctive features of their pedagogical practice. The&nbsp;research revealed that late Soviet era preschool pedagogy in Lithuania&nbsp;was characterized by: a standardized educational program content; focus&nbsp;on knowledge domain; superficial comprehensive education aspect; normative&nbsp;methodology for assessing children’s achievements; subject-based<br>academic instruction; inflexible organization and strict rules of group&nbsp;life, one-way impact pedagogy, often accompanied by psychological and&nbsp;physical punishments; collective education; a narrow conception of didactic&nbsp;tools; unificating internal and external environment without creating&nbsp;conditions for children’s activity, creativity, experimentation, and&nbsp;accumulation of experiences; limited parental involvement; strict state&nbsp;and institutional control; a social and ideological context directly influencing&nbsp;pedagogical decisions. The findings indicate that across all the&nbsp;main examined parameters (content and assessment, methods, environment,<br>interactions) there was no visible signs of the concept of the proactive&nbsp;child, an active player in his/her childhood, involved in decisions that&nbsp;were important to him/her; children’s wishes and opinions were not taken&nbsp;into account; the child’s powers were seen not as special, but as weak,&nbsp;not equal to those of an adult; in the educational process, the child was&nbsp;treated solely as an object of education. Thus, the opportunities for the&nbsp;expression of the “voice of a child” were extremely limited and that is why&nbsp;the empirical data of the research encourages a more critical, rather than&nbsp;moderate, approach to preschool pedagogy of the analyzed period. The&nbsp;results of the study are relevant because even today there are still common&nbsp;and viable attitudes and solutions that sometimes replicate and multiply<br>outdated practices that are very far from child-oriented pedagogy.&nbsp;</p> Vitalija Gražienė ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2025-12-28 2025-12-28 55 2 188 208 10.61095/815-0047-2025-2-188-208 TEMPORALITY AND AFFECTIVITY IN AUTHORITARIAN EDUCATION (a case study of an exemplary lesson in a Belarusian secondary school) https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos/article/view/1531 <p>This article examines long-standing authoritarian patterns&nbsp;within the Belarusian general secondary education system. It focuses on how these patterns are structurally sustained through pedagogical approaches,&nbsp;communication methods, and emotional regimes. Drawing on&nbsp;an interdisciplinary research project conducted between 2023 and 2024,&nbsp;the study takes a critical phenomenological approach to analyse manifestations&nbsp;of violence in the educational environment. The central thesis&nbsp;explores the crucial yet often overlooked roles of temporality and affectivity&nbsp;in reproducing the authoritarian dynamic. Specifically, the research&nbsp;conducts an in-depth case study of an exemplary secondary school lesson,&nbsp;analysing its rigid structure and prescribed pace. The author argues&nbsp;that this lesson is characterised by a specific structural connection&nbsp;between temporality and affectivity that restricts the potential for&nbsp;authentic, creative, non-hierarchical cooperation between educators and&nbsp;students. The findings reveal that an authoritarian approach to education&nbsp;is enabled by rigorous linear time management and characterised by negative&nbsp;affective dialectics. The study concludes that, under an authoritarian&nbsp;regime, an exemplary lesson can be more destructive and dehumanising&nbsp;than a regular&nbsp;lesson due to the temporal-affective phenomenon of&nbsp;overmobilization.&nbsp;</p> Tatiana Shchyttsova ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2025-12-28 2025-12-28 55 2 209 224 10.61095/815-0047-2025-2-209-224 FORMATIVE EPISTEMIC JUSTICE IN EDUCATION: THE TEACHER’S POSITION WITHIN THE TRAJECTORY OF INSTITUTIONAL TRANSFORMATION https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos/article/view/1532 <p>The article conceptualizes institutional mechanisms of epistemic&nbsp;injustice reproduction in general secondary education through the analysis&nbsp;of the teacher’s position and develops principles for systemic transformation&nbsp;based on the concept of formative epistemic justice. The teacher’s&nbsp;position is identified as a structural paradox manifesting the conflict&nbsp;between formal epistemic recognition and actual limitation of professional&nbsp;autonomy through contradictory sources of legitimation: institutional,&nbsp;sociocultural, and epistemic. This paradox embodies systemic contradictions&nbsp;through which injustice is reproduced. The study reveals three interconnected&nbsp;mechanisms of institutionalization: normalization of administrative&nbsp;procedures, construction of deficit subjects, and self-regulating&nbsp;exclusion, which transform epistemic coercion into an invisible regime of&nbsp;educational relations. The theoretical framework of formative epistemic<br>justice operationalizes three normative orientations — epistemic recognition,&nbsp;hermeneutical inclusion, and reciprocity — as diagnostic criteria&nbsp;for identifying hidden mechanisms of exclusion and strategic points&nbsp;of transformation. The research demonstrates that overcoming epistemic&nbsp;injustice requires not local corrections but systemic restructuring of institutional&nbsp;foundations determining what is recognized as knowledge and&nbsp;who can be recognized as its bearer. Five principles of transformation are&nbsp;formulated: redefinition of epistemic power, liberation of pedagogical labor,&nbsp;institutionalization of trust, formation of epistemic communities, and&nbsp;development of adaptive resilience. Their cascading interaction creates&nbsp;a logic of systemic change rooted in the present yet open to overcoming<br>its structural limits, transforming local practices of resistance into foundations&nbsp;for systemic transformations.</p> Marianne Sokolova ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2025-12-28 2025-12-28 55 2 225 266 10.61095/815-0047-2025-2-225-266 A MOSAIC OF VALUES: THE TRANSFORMATION OF YOUTH ORIENTATIONS IN THE SOCIOCULTURAL DYNAMICS OF KAZAKHSTA N https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos/article/view/1533 <p>Employing an interdisciplinary framework, this investigation&nbsp;analyzes how post-Soviet sociocultural shifts in Kazakhstan are redefining&nbsp;youth value orientations. By juxtaposing results from the 2018 World&nbsp;Values Survey with data gathered in a dedicated 2024 youth survey, the&nbsp;study traces emerging priorities, compares them with nationwide trends,&nbsp;and probes the forces driving these transformations. The methodology,&nbsp;combining philosophical hermeneutics with sociological analysis, provides&nbsp;a robust comparative perspective and empirically rich foundation.&nbsp;Key findings reveal a nuanced mosaic of values: rising individualism,&nbsp;self-realization, and pragmatic life priorities (such as financial security&nbsp;and career mobility) are accompanied by a sustained emphasis on family.&nbsp;Young people report higher life satisfaction than older cohorts yet exhibit&nbsp;religious individualization (personalized faith and high tolerance rather&nbsp;than institutional religiosity) and pervasive mistrust of state institutions.&nbsp;Notably, youth demonstrate increased civic activism, evident in rising volunteerism&nbsp;and participation in peaceful protests. These findings underscore&nbsp;the study’s originality and practical relevance, offering a solid evidence&nbsp;base for shaping youth policy. To facilitate the full social, economic,&nbsp;and political integration of Kazakhstan’s rising generation, policymakers&nbsp;should capitalize on youth optimism and activism, broaden institutional<br>pathways for meaningful participation, and recalibrate educational and&nbsp;cultural programs to reflect shifting value orientations.</p> Zhanna Khamzina Yermek Buribayev Amina Buribayeva ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2025-12-28 2025-12-28 55 2 267 297 10.61095/815-0047-2025-2-267-297 REFRAMING ABUSHENKO: PRAXEOLOGICAL CONSTRUCTIVISM AND TRANSDISCIPLINARY SCIENCE IN THE UPCOMING AI ERA https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos/article/view/1548 <p>The paper analyzes the intellectual legacy of Belarusian philosopher&nbsp;and sociologist Vladimir Abushenko (1957–2015) within the contemporary&nbsp;gnoseological situation, shaped significantly by the rapid evolution&nbsp;of artificial intelligence (AI). The research includes three enquiry&nbsp;areas: (1) defining the intellectual contributions of Abushenko; (2) identifying&nbsp;core themes and central figures within his works; and (3) evaluating&nbsp;the relevance of his intellectual heritage to current socio-humanitarian&nbsp;knowledge amidst the ongoing AI transformation.&nbsp;The analysis closely examines Abushenko’s extensive yet underdeveloped&nbsp;work. His contributions, characterized by encyclopedic breadth&nbsp;covering&nbsp;areas from epistemology to Latin American studies, are interpreted&nbsp;through critical comparative analysis, notably with the works of&nbsp;V. Stepin and M. Petrov. Stepin’s postpositivist philosophy of science provides&nbsp;a foundation for critiquing historical-genetic reconstructions of scientific&nbsp;rationality, whereas Petrov’s conceptual framework of sociocodes<br>and “human-dimensionality” offers analytical tools relevant to contemporary&nbsp;socio-cultural realities.&nbsp;The conclusions underline that Abushenko’s epistemological perspective,&nbsp;particularly his formulation of “praxeological constructivism”, aligns&nbsp;closely with contemporary debates on transdisciplinary science and the&nbsp;transformative potential of AI. His emphasis on the praxeological dimension&nbsp;significantly advances Stepin’s framework by integrating socio-cultural&nbsp;rationality as central to understanding scientific practice and knowledge&nbsp;production. Moreover, through Petrov’s theory, Abushenko’s legacy&nbsp;gains relevance in analyzing the implications of AI in shifting biological,&nbsp;cognitive, and social boundaries of human-dimensionality, thus rethinking&nbsp;modern concepts of subjectivity and agency. Ultimately, the paper argues&nbsp;for the critical necessity of revisiting Abushenko’s ideas as epistemological&nbsp;resources essential to navigating the global socio-cultural shifts&nbsp;induced by the rise of AI.&nbsp;</p> Andrei Kamarouski ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2025-12-28 2025-12-28 55 2 298 318 Bernasconi, O. (Ed.) RESISTANCE TO POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: DOCUMENTING ATROCITY. Springer, 2019. https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos/article/view/1535 I. N. ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2025-12-28 2025-12-28 55 2 319 327 10.61095/815-0047-2025-2-319-327 Makarychev, A ., & M edvedev, S. BIOPOWER IN PUTIN’S RUSSI A: FROM TAKING CARE TO TAKING LIVES. Central European University Press, 2024. https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos/article/view/1536 I. N. ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2025-12-28 2025-12-28 55 2 328 338 10.61095/815-0047-2025-2-328-338 Download the full issue https://journals.ehu.lt/index.php/topos/article/view/1549 Topos Journal ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2025-12-28 2025-12-28 55 2 1 338